The African Dream: From Poverty to Prosperity

BOOK REVIEW

Malawian journalist BRIAN LIGOMEKA presents the highlights of The African Dream: From Poverty to Prosperity, and quizzes the author, President Bingu wa Mutharika on how the dream will be realised when the current political and democratic landscape in Malawi mocks the philosophy of his book.

The African Dream: From Poverty to Prosperity, the latest book by President Bingu wa Mutharika is a great inspiration of a modern day Pan Africanist who would like to see his continent defy all odds by wobbling out of poverty and becoming a political and economic giant of the world.

Bluntly acknowledging the fact that most African nations are enmeshed in dire poverty, in his dream for the continent, Mutharika “introduces an Africa of new hope and of a new beginning.”

The big question is: How will Africa, pregnant with a myriad of problems ranging from poverty to autocracy, accomplish this?

  

Responding to this question in his preamble, Mutharika believes that: “The new paradigm for African economic thought will influence the direction of Africa’s growth and development. The general consensus is that for Africa to escape poverty, the African people must take control of their resources and re-order their own development priorities and strategies.”

With this strategy in mind, the book’s chapters centre on Pan-African philosophy which has for a long time been defined as the belief that African people have a common bond and share common objectives, aimed ultimately at unifying themselves on their own continent as a dignified people.

Like all Pan Africanists such as Henry Sylvester Williams, Nkwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, Mutharika’s dream is of an Africa which revolves from Afro-pessimism to Afro-optimism by postulating that the continent will industrialise and develop “using its own natural resources, using the skills of its peoples and taking full control of its own destiny.”

What’s in the book?

Downplaying all the cultural differences that exist in Africa, Mutharika calls for solidarity and resistance to exploitation. He successfully does that by analysing historical, cultural, economic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past to present, with emphasis on his rosy vision of the future.

In the first three chapters of the book, Mutharika, who recently stepped down as African Union chairperson in style by launching the African Dream in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, narrates the history of Africans, their common dream and how the continent is rich in natural resources. The capstone of the first three chapters is Mutharika’s assertion that despite its not-so-admirable history, and some serious challenges currently prevailing on the continent, some countries have proven that practical implementation of good policy reform can transform the once-underrated continent.

“…Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Nigeria, Ghana, Ethiopia, Senegal, South Africa, Mauritius, Botswana and Malawi have managed to implement policy reform that have clearly propelled their economies on the road to prosperity.”

Mutharika’s Pan-Africanism philosophy is conspicuous in the early pages of his book in which he is strongly contending that the power to govern is a fundamental right of every state and that no state and no nation has a right to interfere in the internal affairs of others.

“Therefore to allow the African dream to be realised, the respect for national sovereignty of both the rich and poor nations should form the cornerstone of new global institutions for political, economic, social and cultural development.”

Surely you do not expect an economist to write a book without discussing some economic fundamentals. Mutharika, a Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Development Economics from the Pacific Western University, is not an exception; Chapters Four and Five of his latest book examine global economics issues. He laments how Africa has been marginalised “to the extent that the global north does not realise that a more industrialised Africa can serve as the new safety valve for the boiling global economy.”

As he has done at podiums locally and at international conferences, Mutharika rubbishes assertions that Africans are poor because they do not believe in their ability to pull themselves out of poverty.

According to Mutharika, Africa is poor because “Africans do not derive benefits from institutions created for them by the North. Africans are classified as poor because they do not own or control the science and technology and research and development for economic transformation that benefit their people.”

From Chapter Six to Ten, Mutharika still advocates for economic emancipation by laying stress on the fact that wealthy nations should change their attitude by stopping their exploitation of Africa which they simply regard as a source of raw materials for their own industrial development. He tears apart the divide and rule strategy by Western nations which creates a weak and fragmented continent.

After being decorated international awards of all colours from all corners of the world because of the successful implementation of his policy on subsidised fertiliser, which has turned Malawi into a food secure nation, the African Dream celebrates this strategy in Chapters 11 through 14, where he contends that food security is the basis for transformation and hence the realisation of this colourful continental dream. These chapters drive the point of food security home by focusing on the case of Malawi which he describes as not a poor country but a rich one endowed with fertile lands, freshwater lakes, mountains and valleys, but paradoxically has many poor people. Call it a tale of a rich country with poor people.

The final chapter is all about the colour dream which centres on a call for new hope and new opportunities.

His parting words are: “We conclude this treatise by asserting that The African Dream is not about waiting for or qualifying for or complying with the guidelines for donors funds. It is about devising home-grown policies and being at the head of the pack, on the cutting edge, and being open and determined to go further than ever imagined. This is not a small dream and it is not apologetic. When realised, the African dream will in fact surprise even the worst sceptics.”

“The Africa of the new beginning has come. The Africa that is now unfolding is the one the world has not been able to see through the maze of the habitually reported bad news of disasters, hunger, and malnutrition and armed conflicts. Yes this is another Africa, of new hopes, new visions, new aspirations and new hopes. This is the Africa we are all waiting to happen.”

Is the dream achievable?

Writing a book on Pan Africanism advocating for an Utopian continent is one thing, but achieving that feat is a tall order. One question instantly comes to mind: Is the dream achievable or is it just a pipe dream?

This question needs an answer and Mutharika should not answer this question with rhetoric but by taking practical steps towards its realisation.

In his book, he writes: “In a nutshell, the African Dream is about every country having good schools, good hospitals, good public infrastructure, good houses, good hospitals, good public infrastructure and good standards of living.”

“The dream is also about good governance, participatory democracy, guaranteed human rights and the rule of law.”

Are Malawian human rights activists sharing his colour dream on issues of good governance? Are university academicians who are on strike agreeing with Mutharika’s dream on guaranteed human rights? Can the opposition United Democratic Front and Malawi Congress Party agree with Mutharika that participatory democracy is flourishing in Malawi? Can Reverend Nyondo, who is facing sedition charged smile at the mention of the words ‘rule of law in Malawi’?

Fortunately Mutharika himself answers this question on Page 91 of his book by stating that “it has been difficult to achieve common dream anywhere in the world, due to efforts of some leaders to have and control power without regard for the welfare of those they lead.”

Having written a brilliant book on modern Pan Africanism, the whole continent will be expecting Mutharika to walk his talk and avoid mistakes which some great Pan Africanists made by becoming dictators.

As Mutharika rightly observes, some African leaders kick-started their terms on a good note but later regressed into dictators. He writes in his book: “As time went by ‘a silent majority’ emerged that were happy merely to be alive. In order to survive, ordinary people, intellectuals and professionals alike all worshipped and showered praise on their presidents. Many were terrified by the mere mention of their leader’s name, and in some cases no one dared even suggest or offer professional advice regarding a country’s development for the fear of being misunderstood.

“This era witnessed an entrenchment of the ‘hero worship’ phenomenon where by political party supporters ferociously competed for recognition and favours, showering honour and respect on their supreme leaders.... In some cases, people would begin any public statement by acknowledging that whatever they have done or achieved was thanks to their leaders’ wise leadership.”

The question which now comes to mind is: Isn’t Mutharika as an author of this book feeling that he is falling into the same trap by accepting titles such as Ngwazi, Mthesa Njala,  Chitsulo Cha Njanji, economic engineer. Why should he accept these titles when in his book, he rightly observes that “one major outcome of above factors [such titles], was the development of a political continuum, which gave presidents absolute and unprecedented power in all aspects of political, economic, social and cultural life in civil society. This resulted in the perfecting of hero worship to an art form in some African countries.”

Launching the book in Malawi at the time when his administration is at loggerheads with some sections of the civil society, the media, the donor community, the opposition and the academia, Mutharika needs to re-read what he has written in his luminous, unprejudiced and logical book that “several critical ideas must be addressed when engaged in democratic reforms and transformation. Among them is the recognition that democracy, good governance and development go hand in hand and that appropriate human relationships within a society are just as critical to the success of a democracy. In that regard, bad political judgment by leadership can plunge a nation into a deep crisis where people no longer trust government, leadership or political system.”

Finale

The African Dream is one of the most excellent books to be written by a sitting head of state in our modern times. It is a must-read work for all the people who love Africa. If Mutharika’s dream can be pursued practically and to the fullest, Africa will never be the same.

This is a book which demonstrates that the current Malawian leader is not only an economist of repute but also a fine scholar of Pan Africanism, a historian, an economist and a fine writer.

But for the book to make sense, let Mutharika and his administration take the first steps, then all Malawians, followed by other African leaders and their citizenry, will experience transformation. Otherwise it will remain a dream just on a piece of paper.

This book review was first published in The Daily Times of Malawi.

Malawi President, a dictator: Why now?

THE TWISTER 

BY BRIAN LIGOMEKA

The Twister is bamboozled with some reprehensible decisions of the current administration, which at times are nothing but a stark reminder of the dark and dented days of autocracy.

The latest repugnant decision borders on the attempt to deport a British envoy. Government’s endeavour to banish the British diplomat Fergus Cochrane Dyet following a leaked diplomatic telegram is one of the most outlandish decisions, I have heard this year.

I am surprised because all along I presumed that the local secret intelligence service bosses have already informed President Bingu wa Mutharika that people in many circles are branding him as a dictator. I expect politicians to lie to Mutharika, but members of the local secret service should be telling him the painful truth.

It is an open secret that the opposition, the media, the human rights activists, religious leaders, villagers in during radio phone in programmes are complaining of Mutharika’s dictatorial tendencies. The title of Mthesa Njala (food security champion) is fading and being replaced with that of “mtsogoleri wa nkhaza” which means a cruel leader or a dictator.

The question which Bingu and his politburo should answer is: Why is he being called a dictator when in the past, he was Mose wa Lero? What has gone wrong? Why is every section of society except for a few of his minions and surrogates up in arms against him?

The media, the academia, the religious leaders, the civil society, the opposition and the donors are all critical of his decisions, pronouncements and actions yet few years ago, these groups were singing praises for his achievements. What is the source of this sudden change of heart?

Something is terribly wrong on the political arena and this is why every friend has now turned into a fierce critic and every decision being made is being mocked at.

On the latest goof of expelling the British diplomat, the masses are saying: Whoever lied to Bingu to expel the diploma does not wish Malawi well. Just jump into any minibus, the discussions are about this goof. Mutharika should make use of the secret service to listen to the voice of reason to avert a diplomatic row with London by considering the serious ramifications and repercussions of such retrogressive decision.

For starters, Britain is a country which pumps to Malawi about K24 billion annually. The huge chunk comes in form of balance of payments, infrastructure development, humanitarian and institutional capacity-building assistance.

I recall early this year, during the Wikileaks debate, I did a piece on the role of diplomats. I pointed out that most leaked cables dwelt much on the way American diplomats described their hosts or other leaders in their supposed secret communication.

Uncle Bob, the Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe was demeaned in one of the cables. The content of the message was that “Robert Mugabe is a ‘crazy old man’ who cannot be dealt with through ‘quiet diplomacy’, as advocated by Thabo Mbeki. In one leaked memo, Mbeki was described as ‘thin-skinned’, ‘prickly’ and ‘hypersensitive’ president.

It is not only African leaders who were labelled negatively by the US officials in their secret messages. One leaked document stated that former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown had an “abysmal track record” and lurched “from one political disaster to another disaster.”

While initially it was feared that Wikileaks would create diplomatic controversy between the US and other governments, that was not the case. The reason is simple. The messages of American diplomats were within the parameters of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which defines the boundaries for diplomatic relations.

The parameters include representing the sending State in the receiving State; protecting in the  receiving State the interests of the sending State and of its nationals, within the limits permitted by international law; negotiating with the government of the receiving State; ascertaining by all lawful means conditions and developments in the receiving State, and reporting thereon to the government of the sending State; and promoting friendly relations between the sending State and the receiving State, and developing their economic, cultural and scientific

In my view, despite the use of their sleazy language in their messages, the Americans were exercising the States’ role of monitoring and reporting on each other, so that was done within the armpits of the international law on diplomacy. Just as our diplomats represent the interests of our government, American diplomats also represent the interests of their government and their citizenry in the capital cities where they operate from.

Even in the current scenario where Mutharika has been branded as a dictator in a leaked telegram, government officials should remember that most, if not all, countries monitor and report on each other on issues which they have some interests.

We have security attaches and secret agents at our embassies in capitals of other countries whose mission is to do that. Have we perhaps already forgotten that during our recent diplomatic mix-up with Mozambique over issues of Nsanje Port, our military attaché, Colonel James Kalipinde, was arrested while travelling in the waters of Mozambique in a boat? What is the job description of a military attaché and other security agents we deploy to our embassies if it is not being part of the team that ‘monitors and reports’ on issues in their area of specialisation?

We have severed our ties with Libya because our diplomatic representatives have monitored and reported to Lilongwe the human rights abuses of Gaddafi regime.

Just as the Americans were just so unfortunate that their secret documents leaked to the public, courtesy of Wikileaks, the British envoy has also been unfortunate because of this leaked diplomatic cable. But whatever the case, monitoring and reporting to their capitals about events that concern their interests is part of the work of diplomats.

Mutharika should not get angry for being called a dictator by the opposition, the media, the civil society, the religious leaders, the academia and the donors, when he himself has at his rallies called his critics drunks, lunatics, tiankhwezule ting’oni ting’ono, the unemployable and many other derogatory names.  The question, which he and his strategists should answer is: Why are the people who were clapping hands for his achievements three years ago, calling him a dictator today? What has gone wrong?  

This article appeared in Malawi’s Daily Times of April 21, 2011

Malawi president needs strategists

TWISTER

BY BRIAN LIGOMEKA

The political pot is boiling . The demonstrations and the burning of ruling DPP T-shirts at Chancellor College by some irate students,  the stand off between Chanco lecturers and Police Chief over the issue of academic freedoms, the ultimatum by the civil society to the president, the political goofing on dealing with critics, the fuel crisis, the forex shortage and the controversial laws are some of the  factors that have made the ruling DPP and the government to be perpetually in negative limelight over the past few weeks.

In The Twister opinion, the ruling party and government’s handling of these crises have been disastrous and pitiable. Take the issue of fuel crisis for instance – four members of the cabinet gave contradictory explanations. In the case of the stand off between university lecturers and the Inspector General of Police, the outcome is well known – disruption of classes for two weeks and violent clashes between the police and the students. It seems authorities are miserably failing to deal with the issue of academic freedom.

I have observed lately that government has assembled a team of refuters to be dealing with crises and execute some damage control tactics. What baffles me is that the team comprises politicians,  some of whom are known for lying, political prostitution and bootlicking.

If you ask me what the president needs, the answer is simple. Professional strategists! The team of refuters are nothing but a big let-down who will continue to plunge the country into mini crises.

In my view, there is a difference between professional strategists and refutation masters disguising themselves as political spin doctors or shrewd propagandists.

Few examples will suffice to illustrate the difference. The contradictory statements by authorities on the recent crises demonstrate that there is need to have strategists advising, supporting and defending the State President and not refuters who are not even qualified to be called propagandists. The problem with our refutation masters is that they even fail to appreciate the basics of propaganda and hence their contradictory remarks on everything.

Let me wade into history slightly by making a reference to one expert in that field, and that is Paul Joseph Goebbels, a renowned German politician and Reich Minister of Propaganda. He once observed: “The most brilliant propagandist technique… must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over and over.”

Goebbels was the ‘propaganda genius’ who was responsible for controlling the press and public opinion in Germany. At one point, Goebbels openly acknowledged that he exploited the lowest instincts of people – emotions such as anger, fear, racism, xenophobia, and class envy.

When fuel crisis hit Malawi few weeks ago, did the government officials “confine themselves to a few points and repeat them over and over and over.” The answer is a huge no as what they managed to do was to excel in the folly of contradictions. The public realised that some of them were using propagandistic techniques of lying, deception, personal attacks, and half-truths faultily.

Propaganda attempts to gain control of what people really think and if you fail to achieve that then you are not a propagandist worth his name. When spin doctors and propagandists are proving to be flops, politicians be it presidents and cabinet ministers, should instantly turn to professional strategists. In the stand off between the civil society and government or the lecturers and the police chief, professional strategists can easily find solutions because part of their work will entail engaging the aggrieved parties and tactfully addressing their concerns partially while still protecting the political interests of those in power. Professional strategists are capable of doing that.

It seems to me DPP led government is currently facing a number of problems because spindoctors are masquerading themselves as professional strategists. Unfortunately their work is not bearing sweet fruits. This is why despite all the noise and the refutations on TV and radios, the lecturers to go back to class and teach and the human rights activists are still unhappy with governance issues.

Paradoxically the spinning guised as refutations and clarifications is backfiring on all fronts. Professional strategists have numerous strategies of dealing with conflicts, damage control and general political PR stuff.

If you ask The Twister, what’s happening now the answer is straightforward. The state president seems to be getting wrong advice.

Just imagine someone convinced the president to address a DPP rally in Kamuzu Stadium to address policy and governance issues. In The Twister’s view, if the president had professional strategists, they would have listed all the concerns that different sectors of society are complaining about, fuel crisis, forex shortages, academic freedoms, street demonstrations, media freedoms, sustainability of fertiliser subsidy programmes and several others. The strategists would have analysed them and propose possible tangible solution to each of them in short, medium and long term.

After that, then they would have presented their analysis and proposed solutions to the State President. Instead of addressing such issues at a political rally the president, who would have addressed the nation through the National radio and TV. I remember Dr Banda in those days would salute as in such crises through his national address on state broadcasters as “Bwanas and Donas, today I have….”

If the president had professional strategists, there was no way he could have ended up at standing at a political rally saying: “I have been patient for last seven years, ndiye mukuyesa ine chitsiru koma nthawi imene ija si Bakili Muluzi kapena Kamuzu amene amapita mu msewu kukamenyana ndi anthu. Discipline imapangidwa mu chipani.”

Let me end with a quote from Baltasar Gracián (1601 –1658) a Spanish Jesuit and baroque prose writer who once said: “Folly consists not in committing folly, but in being incapable of concealing it. All men make mistakes, but the wise conceal the blunders they have made, while fools make them public. Reputation depends on what is hidden than what is seen. If you can’t be good be careful.”

If refuters, half-baked propagandists can’t deliver, lean on professional strategists.

This article first appeared in the column called The Twister published by The Daily Times of Malawi